Friday, September 14, 2007

Human rights violation highest in NE, J&K: Dr Sandeep Pandey

Human rights violation highest in NE, J&K: Dr Sandeep Pandey
Luit Neil Don
13 September 2007, Thursday

"The human rights violation in North East and Jammu & Kashmir is worst in the country. These areas have suffered a lot from time immemorial and people of these areas are facing an identity issues. It is a pity that after the 60 years of democracy, Assam cannot become a part of true democratic set-up in the largest democracy in the world," said Ramon Magsaysay Award winner Dr Sandeep Pandey, in Guwahati, on Wednesday.

For his years of dedicated service and leadership Dr Pandey was awarded the Ramon Magsaysay Award in 2002, often considered the Asian equivalent of the Nobel Prize. He was selected in the Emergent Leadership Category, and is among five others to have won the coveted award. At 37, he is also the youngest Indian to have been conferred the award.

Dr Pandey, who was in Guwahati, on way to Imphal, the capital of Manipur, to take part at a three-day solidarity fast to support Irom Sharmila's campaign against the Armed Forces Special Powers Act (AFSPA) in Manipur, said: "It is not only the Northeast region but the human rights violations are going on in almost every place of India. Uttar Pradesh has the highest number of encounter killings in the country, but there is no draconian law like the AFSPA there. The Government of India is biased against Northeast and J&K in this issue."

Talking about the separatist movement in the northeastern region, Dr Pandey said: "Continuous presence of military in this region will have a severe impact on the people. If this process goes on, the Northeast will soon become militarized state. Whatever form of Naxalism, separatism and terrorism exists, the only way to solve is by political solution."

When asked about the armed conflict in Northeast, he said: "It is up to the people of the region to find out an amicable solution. What the local people want, should be respected. The Government will facilitate talks. I think dialogue is the only way to solve the insurgency. Militarisation will never solve the issue."

Coming down heavily against the uranium mining in Meghalaya, Dr Pandey said: "Uranium is radioactive and creates health hazards. Till now world has not find out any solution to the radioactive effects. At a time when many countries have given up the nuclear programmes, it is really shocking to see the Indian Government is planning uranium mining in Meghalaya."

Mentionably, hundreds of human rights activists from all over the country as well as from neighbouring Asian nations will assemble in Imphal today (13 September).

 Sharmila had gone on hunger strike on November 2, 2000 demanding the repeal of the AFSPA, after soldiers of the Assam Rifles allegedly killed ten young Meitei men in Malom. Three days later, police arrested Sharmila on charges of 'attempted suicide', because suicide or attempted suicide is a criminal offence under Indian law. She was later remanded to judicial custody. To keep her alive, she was forcefully fed a cocktail of vitamins, minerals, laxatives, protein supplements and lentil soup through the nose with a rubber pipe.



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Thursday, August 2, 2007

Human Rights abuse: From Punjab to Kashmir

Human Rights abuse: From Punjab to Kashmir

http://www.kashmirwatch.com/showhumanrights.php?subaction=showfull&id=1186078345&archive=&start_from=&ucat=2&var0news=value0news

From Nagaland to Punjab and from Andhra Pradesh to Kashmir, from the early 1950s to the year 2003, spanning almost the entire time and space comprising independent India, there have been reports of the security forces, including the army, forcing local people to act as shields and to actively participate in anti-terrorist operations. These reports have been consistently denied by the authorities who have routinely give out other reasons, such as 'caught in the cross-fire', 'aiding/ abetting terrorists', etc, to explain away civilian casualties. This is an account of two such cases, one from Kashmir and the other from Punjab. In both cases, the army and the Punjab police, respectively, categorically denied the allegation against them, claiming that the villagers were killed in the cross-fire between the terrorists and the security forces. Since neither incident was the object of an authoritative fact finding, the truth will never be known. However, the following accounts give us a glimpse of the truth. Both accounts are based upon the eyewitness testimony of those who survived the operation itself, being similarly press-ganged into service by the troops involved and/ or surviving family members and villagers who witnessed the entire operation.


Case-1


(Report by Ashok Agarwal, advocate and human rights activist)


On the 5th of March 2003 there was an encounter at village Kaw-chak, PS, Kreeri, Tehsil Pattan, District Baramulla, J&K. Three militants were stated to have been killed. Some soldiers are also said to have lost their lives. In addition, two villagers were killed and several wounded. The Army/ RR claimed that these "civilian casualties happened in the "cross-fire" between them and the terrorists.

The encounter started early in the morning of the 5th. Villagers were pressed into servicing the Army's needs from the inception. Teams of soldiers also scoured the surrounding area for more "volunteers". At about 10 a.m three army vehicles (trucks) came from the direction of Kreeri. Ashiq Hussain Malik was sitting in his shop, by the side of the road. Mohamad Arif Mir s/o Abdul Gafar Mir and his brother Ghulam Mohamad Mir residents of Dolipora were walking on the road from Dolipura, towards Kreeri. Ghulam Mohiuddin, who had just returned from Pattan where he had spent the night, had stopped near a house opposite the shops by the road on hearing about the crackdown/ encounter in his village. The trucks stopped near the shops. Two officers, one in sunglasses and another, jumped out of the vehicles. The officer in sunglasses grabbed Ghulam Mohiuddin from behind and dragged him towards the vehicles. They ordered Ashiq Hussain Malik to close his shop and come with them. The Mir brothers, who had by then reached where the army vehicles were parked, were ordered to get into the army vehicles. However, Ghulam Mohamad Mir, a government employee, was let off when he pleaded that he had to report for duty.

Inside the truck there were four other people, residents of village Watargam, who had similarly been picked up by the Army. They were all brought to the site of the encounter, in village Kaw-chak, in the truck.

At the encounter site they were pulled out, ordered to remove their upper garments and their backs were marked with a rubber stamp, presumably in order to fix their identity. They were divided into pairs. Each pair was given some explosives – that looked like a car battery in shape and weighed about 15 – 20 kilos – and were ordered to carry these into the house in which the militants were holed up and to place the devices against the walls inside the ground floor of the building. The militants were on the upper floors.

On showing hesitation to do the army's bidding all the villagers were beaten and threatened with death. Each explosive devise (called a "mine") was picked up by two persons and carried inside the house. Meanwhile the exchange of fire with the militants was going on. The militants were also calling out to the villagers, warning them not to cooperate with the army. Frightened by the firing and the shouts of the militants the villagers were placing the mines against the outside wall of the house. After some mines were in place they were made to carry large stones and pile them against the mines so as to cover them. Eight villagers were doing this work, which went on till two pm.

Around 2 pm, as they were coming out of the house after placing some stones, Ghulam Mohiuddin and Arif were injured. Ghulam Mohiuddin received three bullets in his left arm. Arif was hit by two bullets in his right upper arm, near the shoulder. Both fell down, unconscious. The others dragged them to safety. They were then taken in a matador that had been commandeered by the army and brought to the Bone and Joints Hospital, Barzalla, Srinagar. Ghulam Mohiuddin stayed in the hospital for 15 days. The bones in his arm having been shattered, after two surgeries the doctors told him that he would require at least one more, with no guarantee that he will recover the use of his arm.

Several villagers who houses are close to the site of the encounter had fled to another part of the village (called Harnau) to escape being forced into military service. Sometime that afternoon, some army jawans came to this part and selected four people. These were: Abdul Rashid, aged 42, Ghulam Mohd. Mir, aged 40, Abdul Hamid Bhat, aged 25 and Bashiruddin aged 30.

At the encounter site three of them were taken towards an army truck loaded with boxes. Each of them was given four bottles filled with petrol with cotton wicks stuffed in the neck (Molotov cocktails) and made to sit behind the house of one Mohd. Akbar Bhat, opposite the house of Ali Mohd. Bhat where the militants were holed up.

Ashiq Hussain Malik was sitting already present behind Mohd. Akbar's house when they reached there. The soldiers were very angry with Ashiq Hussain as they felt that he had spoilt/ damaged one of mines entrusted to him. They claimed that but for this they would have destroyed the house and killed the militants holed up inside, much earlier. Due to this delay, they claimed, one of their comrades had died. They were threatening him with dire consequences while Ashiq was repeatedly pleading his innocence.

The soldiers took the Molotov cocktails from the villagers and carried them inside Mohd. Akbar's house. The officer with sunglasses (called 'captain' by the villagers), asked for more Molotov cocktails. Two of the villagers, Bashiruddin and Abdul Hamid Bhat, were ordered to get some more from the truck. When they returned, Ashiq and Abdul Rashid were not present at the back of the house. They were made to sit down again. No talking was permitted between the villagers but Bashiruddin and Abdul Bhat heard the soldiers shouting – 'Bhaag gaye saale' accompanied by heavy firing. They kept sitting there, thinking the soldiers were referring to the militants.

Shortly thereafter, there was a call– 'Aur civilians ko bhej do'. Bashiruddin and Abdul Bhat were sent inside the house. They were forced to remove their upper garments and their backs were marked with a stamp. Bashiruddin was handed a mine and Abdul Hamid was made to pick up a couple of stones. We were pointed out the spot, near a window, where we were to place the mine. Immediately after they returned the mine they had placed blew up and the house in which the militants had holed up, collapsed.

Thereafter, the villagers were ordered to go and pull out the bodies of the militants from the rubble. Initially, they could not find any bodies. The soldiers then ordered them to blow up a cattle shed adjoining the collapsed house. Just after that they heard a cry for help from the rubble. On the soldiers' orders the villagers placed an explosive device with wires near that spot, which was then exploded. The cries for help persisted.

Some other villagers were brought to the site all were put to the task of removing the rubble. The newcomers were: Maksood Ahmed Din, Bashiruddin's brother, Ali Mohd. Bhat and his younger brother, Abdul Hamid Bhat and Ghulam Nabi Waza. The rubble was very hot. Fires were burning in some places. Their hands and feet were singed by the burning heat. Finally, they pulled out the militant who had been calling out for help. He was still alive. He was asking for water. The officer with sunglasses refused saying— 'we gave him so many opportunities to surrender'.

The officer and his men interrogated the captured militant. His name was Shabir. He was from Kachua Mukam (Kandi area), Tehsil and district Baramulla. Then they took him away somewhere. The villagers were ordered to continue their search beneath the rubble. They found two fully clothed bodies. At first they did not recognize them and thought they were dead militants. The soldiers asked them to search their pockets. From one pocket they recovered a purse and from the other a bunch of keys and an identity card. On seeing the identity card they realized that the bodies were of two villagers, both of whom had been pressed into service by the Army. The man with the purse was Abdul Rashid Mir, a teacher by profession and the man with the keys and the identity card was Ashiq Hussain Malik. The keys were to his shop. Half of Abdul Rashid's face had been torn apart by a burst of bullets. Ashiq had a similar burst of bullets on his back around the waist.

The villagers were ordered by the officers to keep quiet about the fact that two civilians, villagers, had been killed in the encounter and made to continue the task of removing/ searching through the rubble. The rubble was very hot – their hands and feet were getting blistered and burnt. However, the officers refused to allow us to pour water on the rubble to cool it.

Around sunset the Army/RR commandeered some more villagers. They were asked to pick up the bodies. Eight villagers picked up the two bodies and carried them to the army vehicle by the road. Then they were asked to bring a third body. This turned out to be of the militant whom they had pulled out of the rubble, alive.

After this, they requested an officer – addressed as 'CO. Saab' – that they be allowed to go as they were exhausted. Four of them were allowed to go. They were: Bashiruddin, Ghulam Mohd. Mir, Ishtiaq Ahmed Ganai and Abdul Hamid Bhat. Others continued to work at the Army's orders, searching the rubble. Bashiruddin's brother, Maksood was one of them. Maksood and about 30 other villagers were forced to continue removing rubble till 11 AM the next morning. Most of them were from village Dolipura. About eight or ten people were from village Kaw-chak.

These people recovered one body around 9 pm on the …... It was fully burnt. Another body was recovered around 10 AM the next day. They also recovered two guns and empty magazines. Around 11 AM a procession of protestors from Dolipura arrived at the site. The Army fired in the air to disperse them. Frightened by the firing the protesters ran helter skelter. Shortly thereafter, thinking the situation might deteriorate, the Army ran away.

The bodies taken by the Army to Hambray. Ashiq Hussain's brother, Tariq Ahmed, who had reached the site in search of his brother, was also forced by the Army to clear the rubble of the demolished house. Even though by that time his body was already in Army custody, they told Tariq that Ashiq's body was lying beneath the rubble. The bodies were handed over to the police at P.S. Kreeri. Ashiq's parents were away on the Haj pilgrimage when he was killed. Minister Ghulam Hasan Mir, Minister Sharifuddin Niazi and a Corp Commander (a Sikh) from the army came for Taziat (the shared mourning after a death). One of the officers wounded in this encounter, a Major, also came. The Corp Commander expressed regrets for the civilian deaths. 'However', he said, 'the casualties cannot be helped as we cannot do our job effectively without civilian help'.

The Ministers promised to take up the issue of the Army using civilians in this manner. They also promised relief to those killed and injured. The Major expressed regrets and said that had he not been injured, he would not have allowed this mishap to occur.

Both families lodged a report with the police but till the time of this investigation, about a month and a half later, they had not been given a copy of the FIR.

The visiting Ministers had ordered that inquiry into the incident and directed that it should be completed within 15 days. They also ordered payment of ex gratia compensation and compassionate appointment to next of kin under SRO 43. According to Ashiq Hussain's family they had been paid an ex gratia of Rs. 1 lakh but the compassionate appointment had not yet been given.

The Inquiry against the Army had made no progress. The families of those killed were afraid to press for the inquiry though they wish that justice is done with the guilty officers being identified and punished. The villagers asked the CO of the unit concerned, who had come to condole, to produce the guilty officer. He merely echoed the Corp Commander and said 'We need the civilians. What happened will happen again. This cannot be helped'.

Publicly, the Army took the stand that the two villagers, Ashiq Hussain and Abdul Rashid Mir were killed in 'cross-firing' during the encounter. However, the truth of the matter was reported extensively by the press who visited the village on the very next day, the 6th of March 2003.

On being asked whether their were any circumstances in which they would willingly provide assistance (of the non-dangerous kind) to the security forces in their battle against the terrorists/ militants the response of the villagers was a uniform and vehement no. The villagers also informed the investigation team that some days later, even as the ministers were promising that they would ensure that such incidents are not repeated, the Army conducted a similar operation at Tilgram, using the local villagers as human shields and for menial tasks that thrust them into the midst of the firefight and put their lives at extreme risk. However, fortunately no civilians were killed in that operation. There was only one militant involved in that encounter.

 

Case-2

Report by Ram Narayan Kumar and Amrik Singh, human rights activists[1]


Police version

Based upon the affidavit filed before the NHRC by Ashok Bath, Superintendent of Police (Detective), Tarn Taran.


On 8.6.92 the police received information that Surjit Singh Behla s/o Tarlok Singh Jat, r/o Behla and Madan Singh @ Maddi @ Sukhdev Singh @ Chota Behla s/o Santokh Singh r/o Behla, self-styled Deputy Chief and Lieutenant General of Bhindranwala Tiger Force of Khalistan (BTFK), a sikh militant outfit was holding a meeting with other terrorists and planning to commit a major terrorist crime. A police party with officers of 91/Bn and 102 Bn CRPF cordoned the village Behla. When the police were searching the first floor of the house of Manjinder Singh Behla the terrorists, who were hiding inside the house, opened fire and killed HC Jarnail Singh and LC Harjit Singh 4160/TT. Constables Pargat Singh & Som Datt and L/K (?) Kalash Chander were injured. The terrorists "cordoned" (?) the police party who had gone inside the house to conduct their search. The army was deployed to tighten security arrangements for the night. The next morning the police officers who were trapped inside the house were freed with the army's help. The cross-firing continued till the next day. Two jawans of the Punjab Police were killed and one constable and 3 jawans of the CRPF were injured in the encounter. After the firing ceased, the police recovered 9 bullet ridden, dead bodies of terrorists. Four of the bodies were identified on the spot and the remaining five bodies were identified later on.

(Note: The affidavit provides the identities of only 8 of the 9 bodies: Harbans Singh, Ajit Singh, Lakhwinder Singh, Paramjit Singh @ Shingara Singh, Sakkattar Singh @ Mangga Singh, Naranjan Singh, Madan Singh @ Maddi @ Sukhdev Singh @ Chota Behla, and Jagtar Singh @ Varpal. A large quantity of arms and ammunition was recovered from the site (house) of the encounter.

The investigation by the CCDP

Based upon interviews conducted with the families of the deceased and other eyewitnesses.

Nine persons were killed at village Behla in the course of an encounter on 8-10 June 1992. Out of these nine, three were militants and six were villagers unconnected with the militancy who the security forces used as human shields to storm the house in which the three militants were hiding. The body of one person killed in the encounter remains unaccounted for. The CCDP's (Committee for Coordination on Disappearances in Punjab) investigation took it to the homes/ families of 8 of these 9 persons and other eye-witnesses in the village.

On 8 June 1992 morning, a large mixed force, comprised of the Punjab police led by SSP Ajit Singh Sandhu and Khubi Ram, SP (Operations), and units of the army and paramilitary, surrounded the old and abandoned house of Manjinder Singh, a former member of the Punjab Legislative Assembly, in village Behla. Apparently, the house was being used as a hideout by militants associated with Surjit Singh, s/o Tarlok Singh from Behla village. One of his associates, 18 year old Sukhdev Singh, alias Maddi, son of Santokh Singh, was also from Behla. After completing his matriculation, he had started working in a Sugar Mill at Sheron. The police often illegally detained and tortured his elder brother Kulbir Singh for information because of their suspicions of his having militant connections. Sukhdev Singh was unable to tolerate this injustice done to his brother and decided to become a militant himself. Later on, his father Santokh Singh was abducted and disappeared by the police. The third associate of Surjit Singh Behla was Harbans Singh, s/o Mehr Singh from Sarhalli in Tarn Taran subdivision of Amritsar district.

Before storming the house, the police officers decided to round up seven or eight villagers to walk in front of the police force and to act as human shields. The following are the names of the six of those who got killed in the course of the operation that followed: [1] Kartar Singh, s/o Aasa Singh, [2] Niranjan Singh, s/o Boor Singh, [3] Sakatter Singh, s/o Niranjan Singh, [4] Lakhwinder Singh, s/o Channan Singh, [5] Gurmej Singh and [6] Ajit Singh, s/o Mangal Singh.

The police randomly selected these people, and this had nothing to do with suspicions of their possible involvement in the militancy. For example:

Ajit Singh, from Behla village in Tarn Taran, was a 60 year old man married to Preetam Kaur with seven children. He owned a horse driven cart and was employed by a brick kiln owner to transport bricks to his clients.He had no political or militant association, no criminal background and no enmity with anyone in his village.

Ajit Singh had that morning carried a cartload of bricks to the house of Niranjan Singh when the police came and forced him along with Niranjan Singh and his sons to be part of the front column.

Niranjan Singh, a 55 year old farmer, was married to Balwinder Kaur and had three sons and a daughter. He was a devout Sikh unconnected with any political or militant organization and took care of his family by cultivating three acres of land and selling milk from his buffalos.

Twenty-five year old Sakatter Singh was Niranjan Singh's son. He used to help his father with the agricultural work and was married to Sharanjit Kaur with two daughters who are now barely teenagers. He had never been arrested before and had no political or militant connections.

Sakatter Singh died in the police operation. His younger brother Sukhchain Singh, also included in the front column, managed to escape after getting seriously wounded.

Twenty year old Lakhwinder Singh, the youngest son of Channan Singh and Gurmej Kaur, had no political or militant associations or record. He was watering his fields when the forces picked him up and compelled him to walk in front of them as a human shield.

Kartar Singh, a 62 year old farmer, was married to Iqbal Kaur with four adult children. He also had no record of a political or criminal past.

After entering the house, the security forces discovered that it had a basement but no door to enter it from inside. They started demolishing the floor that was also the celler's roof. When the militants holed up inside opened fire, the police pushed these six villagers to the front, and using them for cover, fired back. All of the six persons who have been named died in this situation. Two others got seriously injured. The encounter lasted around 30 hours.

Three militants, holed up in the cellar who also got killed, are: [1] Surjit Singh Behla, s/o Tarlok Singh, [2] Sukhdev Singh Maddi, s/o Santokh Singh. Both were from Behla village. [3] Harbans Singh, the third militant killed in the action, was a resident of Sarhalli Kalan .

In the evening of 9th June, the police extricated the bodies of all the people who had been killed in the action without bothering to distinguish the militants from the others who the police had used as human shields.The next morning, the police told the press that they had killed nine militants in the action. In the aftermath, several newspapers published stories questioning the police claims and explaining how the six unconnected villagers had been pushed into the jaws of death. Two others, wounded in the course of the operation, had been abandoned by the police to their own resources to obtain medical help. Embarrassed by the publicity, the Punjab government later announced an inquiry, which was, however, never carried out.

The police cremated all the bodies at Tarn Taran on 9 June 1992, labeling them as "unidentified/ unclaimed", though the family of Ajit Singh attended the cremation. Other families were not allowed to attend.

Subsequently, in 1995-96, on orders from the Supreme Court the CBI carried out an investigation into the illegal cremation of thousands of bodies by the Punjab police between 1984 and 1994. Its December 1996 report to the Court divided the 2097 such cremations by the police in three cremation grounds in Amritsar district of Punjab into three categories: "identified", "partially identified", and "unidentified". The CBI's placed the cremations of Ajit Singh, Lakhwinder Singh and Harbans Singh, a militant and an associate of Surjit Singh Behla, in the "identified" list. Five others, [1] Surjit Singh, r/o Behala, [2] Sikkatar Singh, r/o Behala, [3] Niranjan Singh, r/o Behala, [4] Madan Singh, alias Maddi, [5] Kartar Singh, r/o Behala, were placed in the "partially identified" list. According to the CBI, SHO Gurbachan Singh of Tarn Taran city police station carried out these cremations in the same case of encounter under FIR No. 57/92. Out of these, Surjit Singh and Madan Singh, alias Maddi, (who must be Sukhdev Singh Maddi) were the militants. The other three, Sikkatar Singh, Niranjan Singh and Kartar Singh had been picked up to serve as human shields.[2]

These cremations from the identified and partially identified lists of the CBI do not account for the body of Gurmej Singh, one of the six villagers forced to become a human shield and killed. The CBI's list of unidentified cremations does not show any cremation on 9 June 1992.

End Notes

[1] Reported in Reduced to Ashes: The Insurgency and Human Rights in Punjab pp 293 & 496, Pub. South Asia Forum for Human Rights, Kathmandu, May 2003

[2] Curiously, the CBI duplicated the record of Niranjan Singh's cremation under Sl. No. 121/392 of its "identified" list. Here, it recorded Niranjan Singh's cremation as having occurred on 18 April 1991,over a year earlier than its actual date. Further, the information to identify all was not only available to the police but had also been published in newspaper reports. Hence, it is not clear why the CBI decided to place some of them in the list of partially identified bodies.

 

[Source: Kashmir Times]

 

Note

Kashmir

Since  1988, the disputed state of Jammu and Kashmir has been hit by confrontation between armed Kashmiri Guerrillas  and the Armed Forces of India, which has resulted in more than One hundred  thousand of deaths.

 

Armed Forces  Special Powers Act contains no guidelines for ensuring effective control of the armed forces by the civil authorities. Under the act the Indian armed forces have the power to shoot, arrest, search, seize and even kill when they deem it necessary.

 

International human rights groups have called for an end to "fake encounters" in Kashmir.

 



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Tuesday, June 19, 2007

KT exposes Indian policy to perpetrate HR violations

KT exposes Indian policy to perpetrate HR violations

http://www.kmsnews.org/Kashmir%20News%20Archive/19/News190607-04.htm
Jammu, June 19 (KMS): In occupied Kashmir, Jammu-based leading Kashmiri English daily, Kashmir Times (KT), in its editorial, today, unveiled Indian troops yet another fake encounter unearthed in Chankipoa-Nowgam near Srinagar. 

The KT editorial defied Indian police's version that the personnel of Special Operations Group had killed two militants in an encounter. Quoting the residents of the area where the incident occurred, the editorial said that the two innocent Kashmiris "were first dragged to the fields and then killed after staging a fake encounter." 

The KT editorial said, "it seems to be a repetition of the innumerable stories already unsuccessfully churned out by the security forces that militants were first arrested, taken for recovery, where they managed to lay their hands on the guns and were finally killed in an encounter. Such cock and bull stories impress no one." The editorial added, "fair and independent probes are elusive in this part of the world where allegations of atrocities, custodial killings, missing persons and fake encounters, all of which seem to be inter-related, are the order of the day." 

The editorial suggested that it was a systematic Indian policy to arrest innocent youth, kill them and project the events as 'encounters' and 'victims' as 'foreign militants' on suicide mission. The editorial said that the so-called Indian slogan of "zero tolerance" was only an effort aimed at the face-saving on international front as Indian and its puppet regime had never been "able to rein in the forces in resorting to gross violations of human rights abuse, nor has it been able to live up to the promise of fair probes." 

Coming hard on the draconian laws imposed in occupied Kashmir, the KT said, "As long as the central security forces continue to enjoy immunity under draconian laws like Armed Forces Special Powers Act, which by virtue of clauses that empower any personnel to shoot and kill anyone on mere suspicion, forbid anyone to question the errors of the security force personnel, there can be no question of transparency." Referring to the use of brute force by the SOG of Indian Police, the editorial said that their personnel continue to evade prosecution, under the political and official patronage they enjoy for indulging in abuse of human rights. The editorial also highlighted Indian policy about Indian troops, which "are also known to resort to killings of civilians in lieu of promotions and awards; performance in the official circles is sadly counted only on the basis of head count of the dead, which is nothing short of barbarism."




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Thursday, April 5, 2007

In conflict area police has to understand the whole statecraft, comments Naseer A Ganai

In conflict area police has to understand the whole statecraft, comments Naseer A Ganai
"2500 writ petitions are pending in the Punjab High Court against the police officers who wiped terrorism there. Same is happening in Kashmir," said a police officer in a recent debate on human rights in a one-day workshop here in Srinagar. (Greater Kashmir March 21).
The title of the debate was also interesting. That "there should be equal condemnation of human rights violations by security forces and terrorists." There seems to be confusion among some police officers here about perception of the police and its powers. In such situation it is indispensable for the police officers particularly local police officers and the constables to understand their role in a conflict like that of Kashmir.
To begin with, in conflict areas the State gives enormous powers to the armed forces and police. Powers to kill, crush, raid, arrest and then there are laws enough to protect interests of the State and those who execute its orders. In disturbed area any police person from a constable to SSP, wield powers that give impression that he is State unto itself and could do anything.
But the day the officer or a constable really starts thinking that he is State unto himself, things could go wrong. He might abuse his powers and the State is there to pat him as long as it suits interests of the State. "Yes armed forces are doing commendable job," the Chief Minister might say. And other Ministers will have also same comments about the armed forces.
New Delhi will be much more enthusiastic in its response. "We are not occupational forces," Prime Minister will say. And when you have such kind of the backing, you might consider it an easy job to overrun anyone, whether the law permits it or not. But situations don't remain same. Iraq was yesterday battle of Ideas for Americans and the world, but today it is pure occupation for all including Americans. Taliban was anathema for the Western world but now in the same West there are countries who are for negotiation with Talibs. Yesterday troop deployment and draconian laws were no issues in Kashmir. Today they are major issues.
So once the State feels that it wants "demilitarization" it has to give some excuses to people why it wants demilitarization. The State will not say that the massive troop deployment was hurting its interests. That it is in the interest of the State to withdraw troops. Because, to sell such an argument will be counter-productive. That too to the peoples of India whom so far it has described Kashmir as an 'ideological battle" where India is fighting war against "Islamic terrorism."
Thus it has to construct some other arguments but this time genuine ones. The arguments like all encounters are not genuine in Kashmir. That there are fake-encounters in the Kashmir. Now don't remain under this impression that the State will take responsibility of these fake encounters. It won't. Never on earth, it will condemn itself for the crimes committed by it through different agencies. If does so, in such case it will present itself as perpetuator of crimes against people. Thus, it won't commit any such folly.
So it adopts different modus-operndi. That is, it arrests some constables (not all constables) some SPs (not all SPs) who in their tenure had acted as if they were the State and will project them as mere constables or SPs. And will weave situation in such a way that everyone will get impression that only few constables and SPs were responsible for the crimes and the State has nothing to do with it.
And then the State will go on and will take actions against the "now erring constables and police officers" who few days ago "were getting rewards from the same State for those very deeds." And the State will brazenly say whatever 'now erring cops or officers have done" they have done that in their personal capacities. It will argue that how the State was tough against those who commit human rights violations and in the same breath will say situation has apparently changed. So there is need of demilitarization.
The statecraft is such that journalists, columnists, thinkers, general people, academics all will curse the individuals responsible for the war crimes and forget the State. Then the same State arrests them, charge sheets them, engages best of lawyers ostensibly to book them and police officials feel that they have been wronged.
Those police officers, who feel they have been wronged or back stabbed by the State, should understand that the State could sacrifice over a dozen SPs and over 100 constables if it has to save its skin. If Azad Sahib is threatening National Conference or the Peoples Democratic Party of exposing them or "bringing out cupboards" he will not expose the State but some police officers and thus exonerate the State which gives police and armed forces powers to do anything in the disturbed areas.
Moreover, if tomorrow, if for argument's sake, Truth and Reconciliation Commission is established in Jammu and Kashmir, as has been demanded by Omer Abdullah, who will face the brunt? Only those officers who are the State subjects.
Unlike Punjab Kashmir is different, here alienation is so complete that those who swear by the constitution of India even accuse India of perpetuating genocide in Jammu and Kashmir. "You are committing genocide in Kashmir," shouted MLA and former Home Minister Ali Muhammad Sagar in the State legislative Assembly recently. Mufti Muhammad Sayeed, the former chief minister in his tenure has never uttered a word against militants or Pakistan. Omer Abdullah describes Mushraff as straightforward who does not beat around the bush. He condemned arrest of Kashmiri youth in Delhi and described recovery of RDX from them as concocted stories of Delhi police.
This is the pro-India element in Kashmir. Imagine what might be the mental set-up of the masses. In such a situation if tomorrow truth and reconciliation commission sits here and indicts police officers of "crimes like faking encounters" what will be their position in the society, about which MJ Akbar writes that in 1990 they (Kashmiri people) were so sure of Azadi that they thought it is round the corner. The local police personnel or officers will face ostriacization, they will be looked down.
In Punjab only one police officer committed suicide. Only one. There are writ petitions in the Courts but they have been filed by the Human Rights Groups. In Kashmir when fake encounter killing surfaced, hundreds of people came out seeking whereabouts of their kith and kin. Knowing well what will be its consequences, they still came out. Imagine what will be situation when things will change and people will be asked by the same State (for arguments sake) to name those who have committed crimes or who have exceeded their brief.
So the moral of story is that police officers particularly local officers should act as police officers not as State. Because State is different concept and it can give an individual a feeling that you are State for some time but the day it feels that for the reputation of the State it is necessary to sacrifice few police officers or policemen, it will in a jiffy turn them mere police officers and policemen. This U-turn of the State might be surprising for the officers and they will shout! "2500 writ petitions are pending in the Punjab High Court against the police officers who wiped terrorism there. Same is happening in Kashmir."
Now the topic of the debate that "There should be equal condemnation of human rights violations committed by security forces and terrorists."
If you plead this argument then you are seeking platform with those people whom you describe "terrorists." According to Oxford Advanced Learning Dictionary "terrorist" is a person who takes part in terrorism. So terrorist has no rights, he is not abide by any law or international convention like security forces. In contrast security forces are law-abiding and whatever they are doing, they are doing it under the ambit of law. So why should then there be equal condemnation. Or what will you do in case some people will argue that "terrorists" are doing commendable job somewhere, should they be described as security forces? The questions need answer. 

 
Dr. Sudip Minhas
Executive Director
Voices For Freedom
www.voicesforfreedom.org
info@voicesforfreedom.org


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Thursday, March 29, 2007

Human rights abuses alarming in IHK, says us HR body



Human rights abuses alarming in IHK, says us HR body

Geneva, March 28 (KMS): International Human Rights Association of American Minorities has said that in Indian–held Kashmir, Indian forces routinely abuse the rights of innocent Kashmiris including jail without trial and illegal and arbitrary detentions. 

Tahira Jaleen Khan of the Association, while speaking at the session of the United Nations Human Rights Council here, said that the absence of internal checks and the silence of the international conscience had only served to worsen the agony of the Kashmiris. 

Tahira noted that the curse had reached to the levels where even the Indian national media had to report on the severity of the situation. The Association called on the UN HR Council to allow a Special Rapporteur to visit Indian held Kashmir to examine the situation.


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Thursday, February 22, 2007

Kashmiri was civilian - DNA tests

Kashmiri was civilian - DNA tests
http://news.bbc.co.uk/2/hi/south_asia/6386141.stm
DNA tests have confirmed that a man killed by security forces in a staged gun battle in Indian-administered Kashmir was a civilian, police say.

The body of Abdul Rehman Paddar, a carpenter, was exhumed three weeks ago from a grave in Sumbal near Srinagar.

He had been buried as a Pakistani militant, but protesters said that he was killed in a "fake encounter".

Deputy Inspector General of Police Farooq Ahmed told the BBC that charges against his killers will be filed soon.

'Harsh punishments'

"The DNA samples taken from a body have matched with those of the carpenter's relatives, proving beyond doubt that he was killed in custody and later declared a militant," a police spokesman told the AFP news agency.


Mr Paddar was reportedly detained in the summer capital, Srinagar, in December 2006. He was killed and later described by police as a Pakistani militant.

"Equipped with scientific evidence we will now press for harsh punishments for the policemen involved in Padder's killing," the spokesman said, adding other DNA reports were expected to arrive soon.

The BBC's Altaf Hussain in Srinagar says that police are investigating four cases of staged killings, involving police, paramilitary personnel and the army.

The senior superintendent of police of Ganderbal district and a deputy superintendent are among seven police officials arrested so far on charges of murder.

Disappeared

The army has ordered a separate inquiry into the involvement of soldiers in the killings.

Mr Paddar, a carpenter from the Kukernag area in southern Kashmir, was allegedly killed by the anti-militancy task force.


His family say he had paid 80,000 rupees (more than $2,000) to a police official - who is now in custody - to get himself a government job.

Instead, it is alleged the police official killed him and claimed a reward for killing a militant.

Our correspondent says that thousands of people have disappeared in Indian-administered Kashmir, many of them after being arrested by the security forces, in the past 18 years.

Their families have been demanding the cases be investigated so that the missing people could at least be declared dead.





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Sunday, February 4, 2007

Blame the System, Not the Sucker

http://www.kashmirobserver.com/index.php?id=1748
Blame the System, Not the Sucker
By David Lepeska
Zero tolerance. It's a phrase Kashmiris have heard a great deal in the past couple of years. A promise of behavioral discipline on the part of Indian armed forces in Kashmir, made first by Chief Minister Ghulam Nabi Azad when he assumed his post in late 2005, and again six months later by Prime Minister Manmohan Singh. They swore "zero tolerance for custodial deaths." But what is zero tolerance, exactly? What does it mean, in practice, in reality? Recent events demand we take a closer look.
Last week a routine Ganderbal police investigation uncovered a falsified encounter with militants that ended in the killing of Abdul Rahman Padder, a 35-year-old Kokernag carpenter who made the fatal mistake of trusting Farooq Ahmad Padder, his ostensible friend and a low-level SOG officer.
In early December Farooq Ahmad, finding himself in possession of a cache of seized militant weapons, called Abdul Rahman in Batmaloo and told him to wait for him; apparently he had told his acquaintance that he could help him. Instead, he snatched up Abdul Rahman and brutally killed him, then hurriedly buried the young father and offered his superiors a few previously seized weapons as proof of his victim's (falsified) militancy. W ithout any questioning or investigation, Farooq Ahmad and his fellow constable were immediately awarded Rs 1.2 lakhs each for the killing of an enemy of the state. Despite the fact that they had almost zero evidence to support their claim and that they had in truth committed pre-meditated murder on an innocent, law-abiding Kashmiri, a crime for which any one of us would be condemned and punished with the full force of the law, these two officers were rewarded handsomely. This is not zero tolerance; this is a deeply flawed system.
As details of the story spread the Valley seethed, with open expressions of anger and cries for vengeance, while further investigations turned up three more potential incidents of recent trumped up encounters with militants that resulted in civilian deaths. (On Friday, the victim of another such encounter – a perfume seller that had gone missing a year ago – was identified by his wife.) Chief Minister Ghulam Nabi Azad denounced the Ganderbal incident and called for a judicial inquiry into the Padder killing. Meanwhile, frustrated Kashmiris turned bloodthirsty; thousands of angry locals attended Thursday's disinterment of Abdul Rahman in Sumbal, throwing stones at military personnel and demanding that the guilty parties be hanged.
Indeed, it is all too easy to focus our rage and frustration on Farooq Ahmad. If, as it appears, he was the mastermind of this gruesome and unjust slaying, he is a liar and a murderer and a traitor to his own people, deserving of neither forgiveness nor sympathy. Yet Farooq Ahmad is no more than a sucker, a warped Manchurian candidate and the product of a demented security apparatus that degrades human life – Kashmiri lives, to be specific – to the point of negation. For Indian security personnel the line between good and bad Kashmiri was blurred long ago, ever since several soldiers opened fire on protesting civilians in Bijbehara in 1993, or perhaps even sooner. Under the Special Powers and Disturbed Areas Acts Indian forces have been killing Kashmiris on mere suspicion for nearly two decades, receiving not punishment but rewards and promotions as a result. According to an international rights group that released a detailed study of abuses in Kashmir late last year, such practices have become embedded in the culture of Indian security.
"Police and army officials have told Human Rights Watch that security forces often execute alleged militants instead of bringing them to trial," HRW wrote recently. "Most of those summarily executed are falsely reported to have died during armed clashes between the army and militants in 'encounter killings.' This is done with the knowledge of superior officers and has led to a culture where security forces feel they can murder persons in their custody for rewards and promotions."
Indeed, in September 2003 Abdul Hamid Ganie was killed by officers of this same department – the Ganderbal SOG – because of a debt owed to an SOG officer by his brother Rashid. Afterwards, the perpetrators forced a local dentist untrained in autopsy to sign papers claiming the death had occurred in a gun-battle. A subsequent professional examination revealed torture and pointed towards a custodial killing, but over three years later no charges have been filed and the accused officers still hold the same jobs.
"'These people are like trained killer dogs,'" one senior police official told Human Rights Watch, referring to the SOG. "'Once unleashed, it is difficult to keep them in check.'"
So is it any wonder that Farooq Ahmad killed Abdul Rahman, and that fake encounters and custodial killings continue to occur with regularity? The Indian armed forces put the carrot out there long ago, for all to see. All Farooq Ahmad did was reach out and take a bite.
For his part, CM Azad has altered his tune, saying Thursday that the insurgency made maintaining zero level of human rights violations difficult. He then underscored his argument by pointing out the inability of the all-powerful U.S.A. to eradicate human rights violations in Iraq.
Although weak-kneed and incomplete, his point is well-made. With some 7 lakh security personnel patrolling the state, there will inevitably be some mistakes, some of which will be fatal violations of human rights. It's unfortunate, but it's also the nature of imperfect man; no matter how vigilant the Indian government, keeping watch over every soldier every hour of the day is simply not possible.
Keeping this in mind, then, why not take the next step? Since individual soldiers can never be completely controlled, the system itself must be changed. Soldiers should not be rewarded for murdering Indian citizens, for instance, nor should they be able to kill, arrest, and harass with impunity. Not only because it is morally and socially wrong, but because these practices foster the very cycle of violence they are meant to stamp out; fake encounters and unjust custodial killings inspire Kashmiris to turn militant, precipitating further battles and Indian army deaths, thus justifying future rights violations by Indian security personnel, and so on.
Although he later retracted his statement, Mirwaiz Omar Farooq called last month for an end to the violence, claiming the militants "have not achieved anything other than creating more graveyards." Coming from the leader of a supposed separatist faction, this was an unprecedented and powerful statement, signaling a potential sea change in Kashmiri sentiment vis a vis India. Further, the total death count for 2006 was about 1000, the lowest total since the war began in 1990 and a mere one fifth of the total killed as recently as 2002. Clearly, the climate in Kashmir is changing, and if the Central Government wants to foster any semblance of goodwill in the local populace it should alter its policies to reflect this cooling of hostilities.
And here, right on cue, is the perfect opportunity for Azad and, by implication, Singh, to prove their mettle. Here they have a case in which, by all appearances, human rights were violated and a horribly unlawful custodial death was the result. The evidence seems clear: Farooq Ahmad's number on Abdul Rahman's mobile phone in the days and hours leading up to his early December disappearance; a quickie burial; and false claims of Pakistani origin and armed militancy. How should they proceed? Get the DNA results, investigate the crime with an open and transparent judicial inquiry, and, if the findings merit it, punish the perpetrators of these crimes: put them on trial and send them to prison or death, whatever is deemed appropriate.
But more importantly, revamp the system. Zero tolerance is not just a penalty to be meted out after the fact; it is as much about prevention as punishment. The culture of operating above the law, of killing Kashmiris for reward, must be altered. The Central Government must use its security apparatus to display its intolerance towards these offences and violations, towards unlawful kidnappings, abuse, and custodial killings. In light of a less violent, more diplomatically engaged political climate in Kashmir, the Centre should be capable of making concessions to Kashmiris, who have for a generation suffered grave losses and been understandably unsure of their loyalties. End the black laws. Disband, or at least re-train and rein in, the renegade Special Operations Group officers. If rewards must be handed out they should be offered only when foreign rebels are killed on Indian territory and after concrete proof –more than mere weapons – has been confirmed.
For until zero tolerance is actually enforced – until the state-sponsored perpetrators of these vile acts face justice and the Indian security forces' contemptible culture of falsifying killings and rewarding murder is eliminated – peace in Kashmir will be no more real than the militancy of Kokernag carpenter Abdul Rahman Padder, may he rest in peace.
--David Lepeska is a keen Kashmir Observer
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" src="http://www.kashmirobserver.com/images/commentname.gif"> Editor 03.02.
Very Well written David. Completely agree with these views. Its time for India to act decisively and transparently.
" src="http://www.kashmirobserver.com/images/commentname.gif"> Kaushal Desai 03.02.
Its nothing new. Such Genocides are taking place in KASHMIR by the Indian security forces everyday .Its nothing but SHAME for India.I am an American who was in kashmir in 2003.During my trip i was really shocked to see how Indian Forces treat Kashmiri people which i cannot even explain.This has to stop. Moury Becker San Francsico
" src="http://www.kashmirobserver.com/images/commentname.gif"> mourybecker@yahoo.com 03.02.
These incidents are shocking and horrifying but not surprising to Kashmiri's. People like Farooq have committed a grave crime but they have been given an oppurtunity by the demented security apparatus that makes Kashmir a war zone. In criminology, the Rational Choice Theory adopts a practical belief that man is a reasoning actor who weighs means and ends, costs and benefits, and makes a rational choice. It assumes that the rational decision is always the decision that will maximize gain and minimize pain for each individual. Therefore, if the actor is rational, the state can influence any given decision by ensuring that the perpetrators of the crime are brought to book and given a tough punishment. This is supposed to serve as a deterrent both specific (the person will not do it again) as well as general. Now take the case of Kashmir. Indian forces enjoy special powers; they can question, arrest, torture and kill anyone and they are not accountable for tnything they do. There is a bonus too and every killing fetches monetary rewards, encouragement and promotion. It is, therefore, no surprise that hundreds and thousands of innocent Kashmiri's have been arrested, tortured, killed and many more have been subjected to enforced disappearance. When you give a free hand to kill, it is only natural to have horrifying and shocking incidents happening on a daily basis. India may have initiated a peace process and it vows to settle the Kashmir dispute by peaceful means but for a common Kashmiri it means nothing. As long as the special powers act is in place Kashmiri's will continue to endure death and destruction. The biggest confidence building measure would be to repeal the draconian law; in fact this should have been a pre-condition of Huriyat Conference to participate in any kind of peace process. If the killings persist the peace process will cease to make sense and so will the Huriyat.
" src="http://www.kashmirobserver.com/images/commentname.gif"> Sameer 03.02.
In same Gandrebal area wandhama massacre was done by these Muslims. Who bothered? Other Hindus ran away, some houses are occupied, some vandalized, some thrown away in distress sale, some occupied by security forces, this is all gift of Muslims to the Hindus in the villages of Kashmir. And how many of them were killed there? History as they say repeats itself. Murdering the people, then cutting them to pieces, binding the people by rope to the jeeps and then drag them through villages so that they die by striking and fiction on the stones on road was first done by Muslims in villages of Kashmir to the Hindus, that was the Jihad to kill local by the local, now these people are killed on the same pattern, the difference is that these people were killed secretly and people in 1990 were killed openly with most brutal fashion without regard to the human rights of those Hindus, What these people will tell now, look like crocodiles as they are????? Sixty massacres of Hindus in J&K on their head? Where is their cry for justice? WHERE IS THE HUMAN RIGHTS THERE?
" src="http://www.kashmirobserver.com/images/commentname.gif"> kishore 04.02.